Kuzey Kï¿½brï¿½s'ta gerï¿½ek ï¿½ï¿½zï¿½me, KKTC'nin baï¿½ï¿½msï¿½z bir devlet olarak varlï¿½ï¿½ï¿½nï¿½ korumasï¿½, Tï¿½rkiye ile baï¿½ï¿½nï¿½n daha da gï¿½ï¿½lendirilmesi ve Kï¿½brï¿½s halkï¿½nï¿½n milli ve manevi bilincini artï¿½racak gï¿½ï¿½lï¿½ politikalar yï¿½rï¿½tï¿½lmesi ile ulaï¿½ï¿½lacaktï¿½r.

Son aylarda gï¿½ndemi meï¿½gul eden Kï¿½brï¿½s konusu, Tï¿½rkiyeï¿½nin ï¿½nï¿½ne, uzun sï¿½redir beklediï¿½i ABï¿½ye ï¿½yelik iï¿½in ï¿½art olarak konuldu. AB ï¿½yeliï¿½i ve Kï¿½brï¿½s iki ayrï¿½ konu olmasï¿½na raï¿½men, Yunanistan ve ï¿½ngiltere gibi AB ï¿½yesi bazï¿½ ï¿½lkeler tarafï¿½ndan, birbiriyle baï¿½lantï¿½lï¿½ymï¿½ï¿½ gibi gï¿½sterilerek aynï¿½ pakette konunun gï¿½ndeme getirilmesi ise gerï¿½ekte son derece hatalï¿½ bir yaklaï¿½ï¿½m.

Kï¿½brï¿½s ï¿½ï¿½in Gerekli Siyasi Tavï¿½r

Son olarak BM Genel Sekreteri Kofi Annanï¿½ï¿½n hazï¿½rlayï¿½p her iki ï¿½lke temsilcilerine gï¿½ndermiï¿½ olduï¿½u yaklaï¿½ï¿½k 150 sayfalï¿½k belgede KKTC iï¿½in ï¿½ok ciddi riskler bulunuyor. Hazï¿½rlanan belgede Kï¿½brï¿½s Tï¿½rkleriï¿½nin egemenliï¿½inin yer almamasï¿½, belgenin olduï¿½u haliyle kabul edilmesi durumunda adada yaï¿½ayan Tï¿½rklerin en fazla 3 ila 5 yï¿½llï¿½k bir sï¿½re iï¿½erisinde azï¿½nlï¿½k olarak nitelendirilip o ï¿½ekilde bir muameleye maruz kalma durumlarï¿½nï¿½n bulunmasï¿½, Annanï¿½ï¿½n raporunu kabul edilemez bir hale sokuyor. Ayrï¿½ca belgede belli bir orandaki Rum vatandaï¿½larï¿½nï¿½n KKTCï¿½ye ait bï¿½lgelere yerleï¿½tirilmesi de teklif ediliyor. Bï¿½yle bir durumda ise Tï¿½rklerle Rumlar arasï¿½nda 1960 yï¿½lï¿½nda yapï¿½lan anlaï¿½mada iki ayrï¿½ topluluk statï¿½sï¿½nï¿½ korumak iï¿½in alï¿½nmï¿½ï¿½ bï¿½tï¿½n tedbirlerin ortadan kalkmasï¿½ ihtimali sï¿½z konusu. Daha kï¿½tï¿½sï¿½ ise, iki halkï¿½n gï¿½venle yaï¿½ayabileceï¿½i uygun zemin hazï¿½rlanmadan, karma bir toplum modelininin uygulanmaya ï¿½alï¿½ï¿½ï¿½lmasï¿½nï¿½n geï¿½miï¿½te olduï¿½u gibi ï¿½ok zararlï¿½ sonuï¿½lar doï¿½urabilmesi ihtimalidir.

Bï¿½yle bir anlaï¿½ma hayata geï¿½irildiï¿½inde, pek ï¿½ok Kï¿½brï¿½s Tï¿½rk'ï¿½ evinden ve iï¿½inden olacak, huzursuzluï¿½a ve sï¿½kï¿½ntï¿½ya maruz kalacaktï¿½r. Adada 1974'ten bu yana sï¿½ren ve artï¿½k oturmuï¿½ olan yerleï¿½imleri daï¿½ï¿½tmak, insanlarï¿½ evlerinden ï¿½ï¿½karmak, dirlik ve dï¿½zenlerini bozmak, kimseye yarar getirmez.

Tï¿½rkiye'nin bu konudaki politikasï¿½, Milli Gï¿½venlik Kurulu'nda da son derece isabetli bir biï¿½imde ifade edildiï¿½i gibi, Kuzey Kï¿½brï¿½s'lï¿½ Tï¿½rklerin gï¿½venliï¿½ini ï¿½ncelikli amaï¿½ olarak belirlemek ve KKTC yï¿½netimine destek olmak esaslarï¿½na dayanmalï¿½dï¿½r. Kï¿½brï¿½s Tï¿½rk halkï¿½, Tï¿½rkiye'nin bir parï¿½asï¿½dï¿½r. Kï¿½brï¿½s davasï¿½, milli davadï¿½r. Kahraman Tï¿½rk Ordusu, 1974'teki Kï¿½brï¿½s Barï¿½ï¿½ Harekatï¿½ ile adadaki soydaï¿½larï¿½mï¿½zï¿½ radikal Rumlarï¿½n soykï¿½rï¿½m emellerinden korumuï¿½tur. Bu gerï¿½ekler hiï¿½bir zaman gï¿½z ardï¿½ edilemez. Adada Tï¿½rk tarafï¿½nï¿½ dezavantajlï¿½ duruma dï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ren ve dahasï¿½ gï¿½venliï¿½ini riske eden ï¿½ï¿½zï¿½mlere itibar edilemez. Dahasï¿½ Kï¿½brï¿½s, Tï¿½rkiye aï¿½ï¿½sï¿½ndan bï¿½yï¿½k stratejik ï¿½nem taï¿½ï¿½yan bir noktadï¿½r. Kï¿½brï¿½s ï¿½zerindeki denetimini yitiren bir Tï¿½rkiye, Akdeniz'e ï¿½ï¿½kï¿½ï¿½ imkanï¿½nï¿½ da yitirmiï¿½ demektir.

Son yapï¿½lan MGK toplantï¿½sï¿½ndan da ï¿½ï¿½kan karar doï¿½rultusunda Tï¿½rkiye, Denktaï¿½ï¿½ï¿½n ï¿½srarla ï¿½zerinde durduï¿½u, adada iki ayrï¿½ devlet bulunduï¿½u gerï¿½eï¿½inin kabul ettirilmesi iï¿½in ï¿½alï¿½ï¿½malï¿½dï¿½r. ï¿½ki ayrï¿½ devletin oluï¿½turacaï¿½ï¿½ ortaklï¿½k devleti, dï¿½ï¿½ iliï¿½kilerde mï¿½stakil kararlar verebilecek, iï¿½ iï¿½lerde ise birbirlerinden baï¿½ï¿½msï¿½z olacaktï¿½r. Ayrï¿½ca Tï¿½rkiyeï¿½nin garantï¿½rlï¿½ï¿½ï¿½nï¿½n de devam etmesi ï¿½arttï¿½r.

Kï¿½brï¿½s ï¿½ï¿½in Gerekli Kï¿½ltï¿½rel Politikalar

Ancak, Kï¿½brï¿½s konusunda yï¿½rï¿½tï¿½lmesi gereken politika sadece siyasi ve diplomatik boyutta deï¿½ildir. Aynï¿½ zamanda ekonomik ve kï¿½ltï¿½rel alanlarda da Kï¿½brï¿½s Tï¿½rk halkï¿½nï¿½ kalkï¿½ndï¿½racak, gï¿½ï¿½lendirecek, motive edecek atï¿½lï¿½mlar gerekmektedir. Avrupa Birliï¿½i'ne katï¿½lmasï¿½ ï¿½her ne kadar resmen imzalanmamï¿½ï¿½ olsa da- kesinleï¿½en Gï¿½ney Kï¿½brï¿½s, adadaki bazï¿½ soydaï¿½larï¿½mï¿½z iï¿½in cazip hale gelmeye baï¿½lamï¿½ï¿½tï¿½r. Bunun dejenere edici bir faktï¿½r haline gelmesinin ï¿½nï¿½nï¿½ kesmek iï¿½in, Kï¿½brï¿½s Tï¿½rkï¿½nï¿½ hem sosyo-ekonomik yï¿½nden kalkï¿½ndï¿½rmak hem de milli ve manevi deï¿½erlerini gï¿½ï¿½lendirerek Tï¿½rkiye'ye ve Mï¿½slï¿½man-Tï¿½rk kimliï¿½ine olan baï¿½lï¿½lï¿½ï¿½ï¿½nï¿½ perï¿½inlemek gerekmektedir.

Kuzey Kï¿½brï¿½s'ta geï¿½tiï¿½imiz gï¿½nlerde dï¿½zenlenen bir miting, adadaki Tï¿½rk halkï¿½nï¿½n bir bï¿½lï¿½mï¿½nï¿½n bazï¿½ mevcut politikalardan memnuniyet duymadï¿½ï¿½ï¿½nï¿½ gï¿½stermektir. Buna karï¿½ï¿½ yapï¿½lmasï¿½ gereken, bu memnuniyetsizliï¿½e neden olan sorunlarï¿½ gidermek, halkï¿½n KKTC yï¿½netimine yeniden gï¿½ven duymasï¿½nï¿½ saï¿½layacak politikalar geliï¿½tirmektir. Devlet yï¿½netiminde, halka karï¿½ï¿½ ï¿½efkat ve anlayï¿½ï¿½ egemen olmalï¿½, sorunlarï¿½ olan kesimlerle yakï¿½ndan ilgilenilmeli, Kï¿½brï¿½s'ï¿½n geliï¿½imi iï¿½in giriï¿½imcilerin ï¿½nï¿½ne fï¿½rsatlar aï¿½ï¿½lmalï¿½dï¿½r.

ï¿½te yandan Kï¿½brï¿½s'taki insanlarï¿½mï¿½zï¿½n, ï¿½zellikle de genï¿½ neslin Tï¿½rk Milleti'nin ideallerini ve deï¿½erlerini en derinden ï¿½zï¿½msemesi ve benimsemesi iï¿½in de yoï¿½un bir kï¿½ltï¿½rel kampanya yï¿½rï¿½tï¿½lmelidir. Kï¿½brï¿½s Tï¿½rkï¿½, adanï¿½n Osmanlï¿½'dan kopuï¿½undan bu yana kendisini ayakta tutan Tï¿½rk ve Mï¿½slï¿½man kimliklerine daha gï¿½ï¿½lï¿½ biï¿½imde sarï¿½lmalï¿½, Tï¿½rkiye ise bu kï¿½ltï¿½rel rï¿½nesansa ï¿½ncï¿½lï¿½k etmelidir.

Bunun iï¿½in, Kï¿½brï¿½s Tï¿½rklerinin; kalkï¿½nmï¿½ï¿½ ve mï¿½reffeh bir Gï¿½ney Kï¿½brï¿½s ile ekonomik yï¿½nden zor durumda olan ve pasif bir Kuzey Kï¿½brï¿½s manzarasï¿½ arasï¿½nda kalmak ikileminden kurtarï¿½lmasï¿½ gerekir. Aksine, Kï¿½brï¿½s Tï¿½rkï¿½, ï¿½aï¿½daï¿½, modern, kalkï¿½nmï¿½ï¿½ ve aynï¿½ zamanda milli ve dini kimliï¿½i ï¿½ok gï¿½ï¿½lï¿½ bir model gï¿½rmeli, bu modeli benimsemelidir. Milletlerin, ï¿½zellikle de kï¿½ï¿½ï¿½k toplumlarï¿½n eï¿½ilimlerinde psikolojinin yeri bï¿½yï¿½ktï¿½r. Kï¿½brï¿½s Tï¿½rk toplumunun gï¿½ï¿½lenmesi, psikolojik yï¿½nden gï¿½ï¿½lenmesine baï¿½lï¿½dï¿½r ve bu da saydï¿½ï¿½ï¿½mï¿½z ekonomik ve kï¿½ltï¿½rel politikalarï¿½n hayata geï¿½irilmesiyle gerï¿½ekleï¿½ecektir. (Harun Yahya, Tï¿½rkï¿½n Yï¿½ksek Seciyesi)

Bu konuda ï¿½nemli bir gï¿½rev de medyaya ve sivil toplum kuruluï¿½larï¿½na dï¿½ï¿½mektedir. Kï¿½brï¿½s milli bir davadï¿½r ve herkesin bu davada milli ï¿½izgide hareket etmesi, Devletimizin belirlediï¿½i politikalara destek olmasï¿½ gerekir. Kï¿½brï¿½s Tï¿½rkï¿½, adadaki varlï¿½ï¿½ï¿½nï¿½ canï¿½ gï¿½nï¿½lden destekleyen, milli ve dini bir kardeï¿½lik duygusu iï¿½inde kendisiyle tek yï¿½rek olup haklarï¿½nï¿½ var gï¿½cï¿½yle savunan bir anavatan gï¿½rmelidir. Bu ruhu yaï¿½amak ve yaï¿½atmak, milletini ve devletini seven herkesin gï¿½revidir.

ï¿½zgï¿½rlï¿½k, hemen hemen her
toplum ve ideolojiden kiï¿½inin hemfikir olduï¿½u ve savunduï¿½u bir kavramdï¿½r.
ï¿½nsanlï¿½k tarihindeki ï¿½atï¿½ï¿½malarï¿½n, savaï¿½larï¿½n ï¿½oï¿½undaki amaï¿½, ï¿½zgï¿½rlï¿½ï¿½ï¿½
kazanmak olmuï¿½tur.
Batï¿½ dï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ncesinin ï¿½zgï¿½rlï¿½ï¿½e verdiï¿½i anlamï¿½ ï¿½ï¿½yle ï¿½zetleyebiliriz:
ï¿½zgï¿½rlï¿½k, insana, diï¿½er insanlar (toplum) ya da devlet -veya baï¿½ka
herhangi bir kurum- tarafï¿½ndan hiï¿½bir kï¿½sï¿½tlama ve baskï¿½ yapï¿½lmamasï¿½dï¿½r.Bugï¿½n
Batï¿½ toplumlarï¿½nï¿½n iï¿½inde bulunduklarï¿½ toplumsal yapï¿½, modern Batï¿½
felsefesi tarafï¿½ndan tarifi yapï¿½lan "ï¿½zgï¿½rlï¿½k" kavramï¿½nï¿½n,
insanï¿½n kurtuluï¿½unu saï¿½lamadï¿½ï¿½ï¿½nï¿½ gï¿½stermektedir.

Okullarda, bilimsel kaynaklarda ve bir kï¿½sï¿½m medyada, teori ispatlanmï¿½ï¿½
bir gerï¿½ek gibi sunulmakta, pek ï¿½ok insan da bu nedenle evrimi hiï¿½
sorgulamadan kabul etmektedir. Oysa her geï¿½en gï¿½n geliï¿½en, paleoantropoloji,
antropoloji ve mikrobiyoloji gibi bilim dallarï¿½, sï¿½zï¿½nï¿½ ettiï¿½imiz
yaygï¿½n inanï¿½ï¿½ï¿½n aksine, evrim teorisini sï¿½rekli yalanlamaktadï¿½rlar.
Evrimi ispatlamak iï¿½in 150 yï¿½ldï¿½r aralï¿½ksï¿½z sï¿½rdï¿½rï¿½len ï¿½alï¿½ï¿½malar,
teoriyi ï¿½ï¿½rï¿½tmekten baï¿½ka bir sonuca varamamï¿½ï¿½lardï¿½r.
Bu gerï¿½eï¿½e raï¿½men, evrim teorisinin bu denli yaygï¿½n bir biï¿½imde
savunulmasï¿½ ve insanlara empoze edilmesinin tek nedeni ise, teorinin
ideolojik yï¿½nï¿½dï¿½r.