Doï¿½u Tï¿½rkistan halkï¿½nï¿½n yaï¿½adï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ zï¿½lmï¿½ dï¿½nya kamuoyunun ve uluslararasï¿½ kuruluï¿½larï¿½n dikkaline sunacak her tï¿½rlï¿½ giriï¿½im, bu konuda yapï¿½lacak en ufak bir katkï¿½ bile ï¿½nemli bir hizmet olacaktï¿½r.

Gï¿½nï¿½mï¿½zde hala devam eden Doï¿½u Tï¿½rkistan’daki ï¿½in iï¿½gali 1700'lï¿½ yï¿½llarï¿½n ortalarï¿½nda baï¿½lamï¿½ï¿½tï¿½r. 17 ve 18. yï¿½zyï¿½llarda Doï¿½u Tï¿½rkistan'da yaï¿½anan iï¿½ savaï¿½lar hem halkï¿½n birlik ve beraberliï¿½ini zedelemiï¿½, hem de devletin gï¿½cï¿½nï¿½ zayï¿½flatmï¿½ï¿½tï¿½. Aynï¿½ dï¿½nemde ï¿½in'de Manï¿½u Hanedanlï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ dï¿½nemi baï¿½lamï¿½ï¿½tï¿½. 1911 yï¿½lï¿½nda Manï¿½u ï¿½in ï¿½mparatorluï¿½u yï¿½kï¿½lï¿½p, yerine Kuomintang Partisi'nin lideri Sun Yat Sen ï¿½nderliï¿½indeki ï¿½in Cumhuriyeti kurulduï¿½unda, Doï¿½u Tï¿½rkistan halen esaret altï¿½ndaydï¿½.

Kuomintang rejiminin Doï¿½u Tï¿½rkistan halkï¿½na yaptï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ iï¿½kence ve zulï¿½m, 1931 yï¿½lï¿½nda halkï¿½n ayaklanarak baï¿½ï¿½msï¿½zlï¿½k ilan etmesi ile sonuï¿½landï¿½. Bu zamana kadar Doï¿½u Tï¿½rkistan Mï¿½slï¿½manlarï¿½ dï¿½nemin siyasi koï¿½ullarï¿½nï¿½ gï¿½z ï¿½nï¿½nde bulundurarak herhangi bir baï¿½ï¿½msï¿½zlï¿½k giriï¿½iminde bulunmaktan kaï¿½ï¿½nmï¿½ï¿½lardï¿½. ï¿½ï¿½nkï¿½ Doï¿½u Tï¿½rkistan topraklarï¿½ ï¿½zerine plan kuran yalnï¿½z ï¿½inliler deï¿½ildi. Sovyet Rusya da bu sahayï¿½ ele geï¿½irmek iï¿½in fï¿½rsat kolluyordu. Bu durumun farkï¿½nda olan ve komï¿½nist Rusya'nï¿½n Batï¿½ Tï¿½rkistan Mï¿½slï¿½manlarï¿½na yaptï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ eziyete ï¿½ahit olan Doï¿½u Tï¿½rkistan halkï¿½ da, komï¿½nistlerin denetimi altï¿½na girmektense mevcut durumu muhafaza etmeyi tercih etmiï¿½ti. Nitekim, 1931'deki baï¿½ï¿½msï¿½zlï¿½k giriï¿½imi Doï¿½u Tï¿½rkistanlï¿½ Mï¿½slï¿½manlarï¿½, endiï¿½e ettikleri bu tehditle yï¿½z yï¿½ze bï¿½raktï¿½. ï¿½in, ancak komï¿½nist Rusya'nï¿½n desteï¿½i ile bu giriï¿½imi bastï¿½rabildi ve ï¿½lkenin bï¿½yï¿½k kï¿½smï¿½ Sovyetler'in denetimine geï¿½ti.

Bu ilginï¿½ sonuï¿½, bir dizi geliï¿½menin ardï¿½ndan ortaya ï¿½ï¿½ktï¿½: Doï¿½u Tï¿½rkistan isyanï¿½nï¿½ tek baï¿½ï¿½na bastï¿½ramayacaï¿½ï¿½nï¿½ anlayan ï¿½in, Sovyetler Birliï¿½i ile gizli bir anlaï¿½ma imzalamï¿½ï¿½tï¿½. Bu gizli anlaï¿½ma uyarï¿½nca, Ruslardan silah ve askeri destek saï¿½ladï¿½. Ancak buna raï¿½men Mï¿½slï¿½manlarï¿½n baï¿½ï¿½msï¿½zlï¿½k hareketinin bastï¿½rï¿½lmasï¿½ mï¿½mkï¿½n olmadï¿½. 1933'de Kï¿½zï¿½l Ordu karadan Doï¿½u Tï¿½rkistan'a girerek Mï¿½slï¿½man kuvvetleri maï¿½lup etti. Mï¿½slï¿½manlar Kï¿½zï¿½l Ordu birliklerince toplu olarak katledildi, camileri ve mescitleri yï¿½kï¿½ldï¿½.

Bu sï¿½rada baï¿½layan II. Dï¿½nya Savaï¿½ï¿½ ile birlikte Ruslar askerlerini Doï¿½u Tï¿½rkistan'dan ï¿½ektiler. ï¿½te yandan milliyetï¿½i ï¿½in hï¿½kï¿½meti de, Mao'nun komï¿½nist gerillalarï¿½ ile ï¿½lkenin ï¿½eï¿½itli bï¿½lgelerinde devam eden savaï¿½ï¿½ kaybederek, Formoza (Tayvan)'ya ï¿½ekildi. ï¿½in topraklarï¿½ komï¿½nist rejime teslim oldu ve tabii Doï¿½u Tï¿½rkistan da...

1944 yï¿½lï¿½nda Baï¿½ï¿½msï¿½z Doï¿½u Tï¿½rkistan Cumhuriyeti kuruldu. Ne var ki Doï¿½u Tï¿½rkistan Cumhuriyeti'nin ï¿½mrï¿½ 1949 yï¿½lï¿½nda ï¿½in'de Mao'nun iktidarï¿½ ele geï¿½irmesi ile son buldu.

Doï¿½u Tï¿½rkistan'da Kï¿½zï¿½l Dï¿½nem

Dï¿½nya, bir komï¿½nist partinin iktidarï¿½ ele geï¿½iriï¿½ine ilk kez Rusya'da tanï¿½klï¿½k etti. Rusya'nï¿½n hakimiyeti altï¿½ndaki Batï¿½ Tï¿½rkistan (Kazak, ï¿½zbek, Kï¿½rgï¿½z, Tï¿½rkmen ve Tacik) topraklarï¿½ ile sï¿½nï¿½rï¿½ olan ve bu ï¿½lkelerle tarihi, dini, etnik ve kï¿½ltï¿½rel baï¿½a sahip Doï¿½u Tï¿½rkistan Mï¿½slï¿½manlarï¿½ da bï¿½lgedeki geliï¿½meleri yakï¿½ndan takip ediyorlardï¿½. ï¿½zellikle, merhum ï¿½sa Yusuf Alptekin gibi, Batï¿½ Tï¿½rkistan topraklarï¿½nda gï¿½rev yapï¿½p komï¿½nist Rus zulmï¿½ne bizzat ï¿½ahit olanlar, hem ï¿½in hï¿½kï¿½metini hem de Doï¿½u Tï¿½rkistan Mï¿½slï¿½manlarï¿½nï¿½ komï¿½nizm tehlikesine karï¿½ï¿½ uyarï¿½yorlardï¿½. ï¿½ï¿½nkï¿½ komï¿½nistler genel bir taktik olarak, iktidara gelene kadar eï¿½itlik, sosyal adalet, milletlerin ï¿½zgï¿½rlï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ gibi kavramlardan bahsediyorlar, ancak sï¿½ra uygulamaya gelince durum deï¿½iï¿½iyordu. Eï¿½itliï¿½in yerini politbï¿½ro diktasï¿½, sosyal adaletin yerini sï¿½mï¿½rï¿½, ï¿½zgï¿½rlï¿½klerin yerini ise sï¿½rgï¿½nler, iï¿½kenceler, toplama kamplarï¿½ ve toplu katliamlar alï¿½yordu.

Nitekim aynï¿½ geliï¿½meler Doï¿½u Tï¿½rkistan'da da yaï¿½andï¿½. ï¿½ktidarï¿½ ele geï¿½irmeden ï¿½nce 1945'de gerï¿½ekleï¿½tirilen 7. Kongre'de Mao, komï¿½nistlerin, iktidarï¿½ ele geï¿½irince farklï¿½ etnik kï¿½kenlere kendi geleceklerini tayin etme ve kendi kendini yï¿½netme hakkï¿½nï¿½ vereceï¿½ini deklare etti. Ancak iktidara gelir gelmez, ï¿½nceden verdiï¿½i sï¿½zleri bir anda gï¿½z ardï¿½ etti ve "Sincan iki bin yï¿½ldï¿½r ï¿½in'in ayrï¿½lmaz bir parï¿½asï¿½dï¿½r, bu nedenle ï¿½in'i federe devletlere bï¿½lmenin hiï¿½bir manasï¿½ yoktur. Bu talep tarihe ve sosyalizme dï¿½ï¿½manlï¿½k anlamï¿½na gelir" aï¿½ï¿½klamasï¿½nï¿½ yaptï¿½. (Lydia Hlubnchy, The East Turkic Review, No 4)

Ardï¿½ndan baskï¿½ ve zulï¿½m baï¿½ladï¿½. ï¿½lk olarak, Mao ile gï¿½rï¿½ï¿½mek ï¿½zere yola ï¿½ï¿½kan Doï¿½u Tï¿½rkistan Cumhuriyeti'nin ï¿½nde gelen liderleri esrarengiz bir uï¿½ak kazasï¿½nda hayatlarï¿½nï¿½ kaybettiler. Daha sonra da Doï¿½u Tï¿½rkistan'ï¿½ kendi topraï¿½ï¿½ olarak gï¿½ren ve elinden bï¿½rakmak istemeyen Kï¿½zï¿½l ï¿½in hï¿½kï¿½meti, Mï¿½slï¿½man halka karï¿½ï¿½ acï¿½masï¿½z bir soykï¿½rï¿½ma giriï¿½ti. ï¿½lk savaï¿½ Mï¿½slï¿½manlarï¿½n inanï¿½larï¿½na karï¿½ï¿½ydï¿½. Dini eï¿½itim veren tï¿½m okullar kapatï¿½ldï¿½, din adamlarï¿½ tutuklandï¿½, bï¿½yï¿½k kï¿½smï¿½ da ï¿½ldï¿½rï¿½ldï¿½. Camilere Mao'nun resimleri ve Komï¿½nist Parti'nin bayraklarï¿½ asï¿½ldï¿½ ve Mï¿½slï¿½manlara bu resim ve bayraklara saygï¿½ gï¿½sterilerinde bulunmalarï¿½ emredildi. Mï¿½slï¿½manlarï¿½n bir kï¿½smï¿½ Pan-Tï¿½rkist, bir kï¿½smï¿½ da Pan-ï¿½slamist olduklarï¿½ gerekï¿½esi ile gï¿½zaltï¿½na alï¿½nï¿½yor ve idam ediliyordu. Toplu sï¿½rgï¿½nler ise zulmï¿½n bir diï¿½er yï¿½zï¿½ydï¿½. Yurtlarï¿½ndan sï¿½rï¿½len Mï¿½slï¿½manlarï¿½n bir kï¿½smï¿½, zorlu iklim ï¿½artlarï¿½ nedeni ile yolda hayatlarï¿½nï¿½ kaybetti. 1949-1952 yï¿½llarï¿½ arasï¿½nda 2.800.000, 1952-1957 yï¿½llarï¿½ arasï¿½nda 3.509.000, 1958-1960 yï¿½llarï¿½ arasï¿½nda 6.700.000, 1961-1965 arasï¿½nda 13.300.000 Doï¿½u Tï¿½rkistan Mï¿½slï¿½manï¿½ ï¿½eï¿½itli yollarla ï¿½ldï¿½rï¿½ldï¿½.

Mï¿½slï¿½manlar bir yandan sistemli olarak katledilirken, bir yandan da onlarï¿½n yerlerine ï¿½inliler yerleï¿½tirilmekteydi. Doï¿½u Tï¿½rkistan'ï¿½ bir ï¿½in eyaleti haline getirmek isteyen Maoist rejimin bir diï¿½er yï¿½ntemi ise, zorunlu kï¿½rtajla "aile planlamasï¿½"ydï¿½. Bu uygulamalar bugï¿½n de halen devam etmektedir.

ï¿½zgï¿½rlï¿½k Mï¿½cadelesinin ï¿½nde Gelen ï¿½simleri

20. yï¿½zyï¿½lï¿½n baï¿½ï¿½, Doï¿½u Tï¿½rkistan'da milli ve manevi duygularï¿½n uyanmaya baï¿½ladï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ bir dï¿½nem oldu. Uygur Tï¿½rkleri'nin bu "milli uyanï¿½ï¿½ï¿½" Abdï¿½lkadir Damulla sayesinde oldu. Dï¿½nemin en ï¿½nemli ihtiyaï¿½larï¿½ndan birisi halkï¿½n, mukaddes deï¿½erleri, tarihi ve sahip olduï¿½u miras konusunda bilinï¿½lendirilmesi idi. Abdï¿½lkadir Damulla, aï¿½tï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ Matle'ul Hidayet ismindeki okulla Doï¿½u Tï¿½rkistan genï¿½lerini bu konuda yetiï¿½tirmiï¿½, yayï¿½nladï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ kitaplarla halkï¿½n bilinï¿½lenmesine katkï¿½da bulunmuï¿½tur. Abdï¿½lkadir Damulla'dan sonra Doï¿½u Tï¿½rkistan'da mï¿½cadeleyi "ï¿½ï¿½ Efendiler" olarak anï¿½lan ï¿½sa Yusuf Alptekin, Muhammed Emin Buï¿½ra ve Mesud Sabri Baykuzu ï¿½stlendiler. Mesud Sabri Baykuzu'nun Doï¿½u Tï¿½rkistan iï¿½in verdiï¿½i mï¿½cadele, 1951 yï¿½lï¿½nda komï¿½nist ï¿½in yï¿½netimi tarafï¿½ndan tutuklanï¿½p, 1952 yï¿½lï¿½nda zehirli bir iï¿½neyle ï¿½ldï¿½rï¿½lmesi ile son bulmuï¿½tur. ï¿½sa Yusuf Alptekin ve Muhammed Emin Buï¿½ra'nï¿½n mï¿½cadeleleri ise ï¿½mï¿½rlerinin sonuna kadar devam etmiï¿½tir.

ï¿½in'e baï¿½lï¿½ Doï¿½u Tï¿½rkistan Eyalet Hï¿½kï¿½meti'nin Genel Sekreteri olarak gï¿½rev yapan ï¿½sa Yusuf Alptekin, tï¿½m hayatï¿½nï¿½ Doï¿½u Tï¿½rkistan'ï¿½n haklï¿½ davasï¿½nï¿½ uluslararasï¿½ arenada anlatmaya ve Mï¿½slï¿½manlarï¿½n esaretten kurtulmasï¿½na vakfetmiï¿½tir. 26 yaï¿½ï¿½ndayken Batï¿½ Tï¿½rkistan'daki ï¿½in Konsolosluï¿½u'nda ï¿½alï¿½ï¿½maya baï¿½lamï¿½ï¿½tï¿½r. Batï¿½ Tï¿½rkistan'da bulunduï¿½u sï¿½re boyunca, Doï¿½u Tï¿½rkistan'daki baï¿½ï¿½msï¿½zlï¿½k yanlï¿½sï¿½ kiï¿½ilerle baï¿½lantï¿½ kurmuï¿½ ve ï¿½alï¿½ï¿½malarï¿½nï¿½ gizli olarak yï¿½rï¿½tmï¿½ï¿½tï¿½r.

ï¿½sa Yusuf Alptekin'in en ï¿½ok ï¿½zerinde durduï¿½u konulardan birisi, halkï¿½nï¿½ komï¿½nizmden korumak olmuï¿½tur. Hatta komï¿½nizme karï¿½ï¿½ daha etkili ï¿½alï¿½ï¿½malar yapabileceï¿½ini dï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ndï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ iï¿½in ï¿½in Hï¿½kï¿½meti nezdinde temaslar yï¿½rï¿½tmï¿½ï¿½ ve 1936-1945 yï¿½llarï¿½ arasï¿½nda ï¿½in Parlamentosu'nda ï¿½lkesini temsil etmiï¿½tir. Komï¿½nistlerin ï¿½nce Pekin'i ele geï¿½irmeleri, ardï¿½ndan da Doï¿½u Tï¿½rkistan'a doï¿½ru ilerlemeleri ï¿½zerine ï¿½sa Yusuf Alptekin vatanï¿½ndan ayrï¿½lmak zorunda kalmï¿½ï¿½tï¿½r. 1954 yï¿½lï¿½nda ï¿½stanbul'a yerleï¿½en ve ï¿½alï¿½ï¿½malarï¿½nï¿½ buradan yï¿½rï¿½ten Alptekin, Doï¿½u Tï¿½rkistan'da yaï¿½anan zulme dï¿½nya ï¿½lkelerinin dikkatini ï¿½ekebilmek iï¿½in birï¿½ok ï¿½lkeyi dolaï¿½mï¿½ï¿½, konferanslara, panellere katï¿½lmï¿½ï¿½, ï¿½niversitelerde konuï¿½malar yapmï¿½ï¿½tï¿½r.

Muhammed Emin Buï¿½ra ise Doï¿½u Tï¿½rkistan mï¿½cadelesi tarihine Doï¿½u Tï¿½rkistan Tarihi adlï¿½ dev eseri ile geï¿½miï¿½tir. 1931'deki baï¿½ï¿½msï¿½zlï¿½k hareketinde bizzat gï¿½rev almï¿½ï¿½ ve Hotan, Yarkent gibi ï¿½ehirlerin ï¿½in iï¿½galinden kurtulmasï¿½nï¿½ saï¿½lamï¿½ï¿½tï¿½r. 1944 yï¿½lï¿½nda kurulan Doï¿½u Tï¿½rkistan Devleti’nde bakanlï¿½k yapmï¿½ï¿½, komï¿½nist ï¿½in iï¿½galinin gerï¿½ekleï¿½mesinden kï¿½sa bir sï¿½re ï¿½nce ise Hindistan'a iltica etmiï¿½tir. Buradan Tï¿½rkiye'ye geï¿½miï¿½, mï¿½cadelesine devam etmiï¿½tir.

Bu vatansever insanlarï¿½n yaï¿½amlarï¿½ boyunca ï¿½erefle sï¿½rdï¿½rdï¿½kleri baï¿½ï¿½msï¿½zlï¿½k mï¿½cadelesi bugï¿½n de aynï¿½ hï¿½zla devam etmektedir. ï¿½u anda uluslararasï¿½ arenada Doï¿½u Tï¿½rkistan iï¿½in faaliyet gï¿½steren yirmiye yakï¿½n vakï¿½f ve dernek vardï¿½r. Bu dernekler Doï¿½u Tï¿½rkistan Milli Kurultayï¿½ (ETNC)'nï¿½n ï¿½emsiyesi altï¿½nda toplanmï¿½ï¿½tï¿½r ve Doï¿½u Tï¿½rkistan halkï¿½nï¿½n sesini dï¿½nyaya duyurabilmek iï¿½in ï¿½alï¿½ï¿½malar yï¿½rï¿½tmektedir.

Tï¿½m bu zulï¿½m ve iï¿½kencelere karï¿½ï¿½ Doï¿½u Tï¿½rkistan halkï¿½nï¿½n, haklarï¿½nï¿½ savunma veya kendilerini koruma imkanï¿½ yoktur. Ancak dï¿½nyanï¿½n dï¿½rt bir yanï¿½ndaki Mï¿½slï¿½manlar, ihtiyaï¿½ iï¿½indeki bu savunmasï¿½z insanlara birï¿½ok ï¿½ekilde yardï¿½mda bulunabilirler. Doï¿½u Tï¿½rkistan halkï¿½nï¿½n yaï¿½adï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ zulmï¿½ dï¿½nya kamuoyunun ve uluslararasï¿½ kuruluï¿½larï¿½n dikkatine sunacak her tï¿½rlï¿½ giriï¿½im, bu konuda yapï¿½lacak en ufak bir katkï¿½ bile ï¿½nemli bir hizmet olacaktï¿½r. (Harun Yahya, ï¿½slam'ï¿½n Kï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ ve Beklenen Baharï¿½)

Yapï¿½labilecek en bï¿½yï¿½k yardï¿½m ise hiï¿½ ï¿½ï¿½phesiz, tï¿½m bu zulmï¿½n gerï¿½ek kaynaï¿½ï¿½ olan dinsizliï¿½i fikren ï¿½ï¿½rï¿½tmek, bunun yerine hakkï¿½ ve gï¿½zel ahlakï¿½ hakim kï¿½lmak iï¿½in fikri bir mï¿½cadele yï¿½rï¿½tmektir. Dï¿½nyanï¿½n dï¿½rt bir yanï¿½nda haksï¿½z yere ï¿½ldï¿½rï¿½len, "Rabbimiz Allah'tï¿½r" dedikleri iï¿½in yurtlarï¿½ndan sï¿½rï¿½len, inanï¿½larï¿½ uï¿½runda iï¿½kenceye uï¿½rayan insanlara yardï¿½mcï¿½ olabilmek mï¿½mkï¿½ndï¿½r.

Tï¿½m inananlarï¿½n eï¿½it sorumluluï¿½a sahip olduï¿½u bu konuda, Allah'ï¿½n ayetinde belirttiï¿½i gibi, "... Kim cehd ederse (ï¿½aba gï¿½sterirse), kendi nefsi iï¿½in cehd etmiï¿½ olur..." (Ankebut Suresi, 6). Bir baï¿½ka ayette ise Allah iman edenlerin bu sorumluluï¿½unu ï¿½u ï¿½ekilde belirtmiï¿½tir: "... Yeryï¿½zï¿½nde bozgunculuï¿½u ï¿½nleyecek fazilet sahibi kiï¿½iler bulunmalï¿½ deï¿½il miydi?.." (Hud Suresi, 116)

Doï¿½u Tï¿½rkistan'a ï¿½in ï¿½ï¿½kencesi

Doï¿½u Tï¿½rkistan topraklarï¿½ bin yï¿½l boyunca ï¿½slam yurdu olmuï¿½tur. Ancak yarï¿½m asï¿½rdan fazla bir sï¿½redir, Doï¿½u Tï¿½rkistan topraklarï¿½nda Mï¿½slï¿½manlar, komï¿½nist ï¿½in yï¿½netiminin iï¿½gali altï¿½nda yaï¿½amaktadï¿½rlar. Urumï¿½i ï¿½niversitesi'nin duvarï¿½nda yer alan ve 2 Ekim 1988 tarihli ï¿½ngiliz The Independent gazetesinin bï¿½lge sorumlusu Andrew Higgins'in deyimiyle "katï¿½ksï¿½z ï¿½rkï¿½ï¿½ dï¿½ï¿½ï¿½nce ile zehirlenmiï¿½ bir zihniyetin gï¿½stergesi" olan bir yazï¿½, ï¿½inlilerin Uygur Tï¿½rkleri'ne bakï¿½ï¿½ aï¿½ï¿½sï¿½nï¿½ yansï¿½tmaktadï¿½r: "Uygur erkeklerini sonsuza kadar kï¿½lemiz yapalï¿½m, Uygur kadï¿½nlarï¿½nï¿½ da asï¿½rlar boyunca fahiï¿½emiz."

Bï¿½lgede 1 milyon kadar askerini silah altï¿½nda tutan ï¿½in, Doï¿½u Tï¿½rkistan'da Mï¿½slï¿½manlarï¿½n attï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ her adï¿½mï¿½ kontrol etmektedir. Yollarda kurulmuï¿½ olan askeri denetim noktalarï¿½nda tï¿½m araï¿½lar tek tek durdurulup iï¿½leri aranï¿½rken erkekler hakarete uï¿½rayï¿½p tartaklanmakta, Mï¿½slï¿½man kadï¿½nlar ise tacize uï¿½ramaktadï¿½rlar. ï¿½in'in baskï¿½sï¿½, yollarï¿½n tutulmasï¿½ veya askeri birliklerin sï¿½k sï¿½k evlerde arama yapmasï¿½ ile de sï¿½nï¿½rlï¿½ deï¿½ildir. Japonya'da yayï¿½nlanan Mainichi Daily News gazetesi bu aï¿½ï¿½r baskï¿½yï¿½ 29 Haziran 2000 tarihli sayï¿½sï¿½nda ï¿½ï¿½yle aktarmï¿½ï¿½tï¿½r:

(Doï¿½u Tï¿½rkistan'da) ï¿½in'in denetimi gï¿½n geï¿½tikï¿½e artmakta ve daha da dayanï¿½lmaz bir hal almaktadï¿½r. Halkï¿½n Kurtuluï¿½ Ordusu her yerde. ï¿½letiï¿½im sï¿½nï¿½rlï¿½ ve polis denetiminde yapï¿½labiliyor. ï¿½ok az kï¿½yde telefon var ve bu hatlarï¿½n hepsi dinleniyor. Bir kiï¿½i sadece boï¿½ bir ï¿½ï¿½phe ï¿½zerine yï¿½llar boyunca tutuklu kalabiliyor.

Mï¿½slï¿½manlar keyfi olarak tutuklanï¿½p ï¿½alï¿½ï¿½ma kamplarï¿½na gï¿½nderilmekte, asï¿½lsï¿½z suï¿½lamalarla idam edilmekte, zaman zaman da toplu olarak katledilmektedirler. Bunun yanï¿½ sï¿½ra, namazlarï¿½nï¿½ gizli kï¿½lmak zorunda kalmakta, oruï¿½ tutmalarï¿½na izin verilmemekte, dini eï¿½itim almalarï¿½ engellenmektedir. Mï¿½slï¿½man nï¿½fusun sayï¿½sï¿½nï¿½n artmasï¿½nï¿½ engellemek iï¿½in uygulanan metot ise insanlï¿½k dï¿½ï¿½ï¿½dï¿½r: kadï¿½nlara zorla kï¿½rtaj yapï¿½lmakta, birden fazla ï¿½ocuï¿½a sahip olanlarï¿½n ï¿½ocuklarï¿½ ellerinden alï¿½nmaktadï¿½r.

ï¿½zgï¿½rlï¿½k, hemen hemen her
toplum ve ideolojiden kiï¿½inin hemfikir olduï¿½u ve savunduï¿½u bir kavramdï¿½r.
ï¿½nsanlï¿½k tarihindeki ï¿½atï¿½ï¿½malarï¿½n, savaï¿½larï¿½n ï¿½oï¿½undaki amaï¿½, ï¿½zgï¿½rlï¿½ï¿½ï¿½
kazanmak olmuï¿½tur.
Batï¿½ dï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ncesinin ï¿½zgï¿½rlï¿½ï¿½e verdiï¿½i anlamï¿½ ï¿½ï¿½yle ï¿½zetleyebiliriz:
ï¿½zgï¿½rlï¿½k, insana, diï¿½er insanlar (toplum) ya da devlet -veya baï¿½ka
herhangi bir kurum- tarafï¿½ndan hiï¿½bir kï¿½sï¿½tlama ve baskï¿½ yapï¿½lmamasï¿½dï¿½r.Bugï¿½n
Batï¿½ toplumlarï¿½nï¿½n iï¿½inde bulunduklarï¿½ toplumsal yapï¿½, modern Batï¿½
felsefesi tarafï¿½ndan tarifi yapï¿½lan "ï¿½zgï¿½rlï¿½k" kavramï¿½nï¿½n,
insanï¿½n kurtuluï¿½unu saï¿½lamadï¿½ï¿½ï¿½nï¿½ gï¿½stermektedir.

Okullarda, bilimsel kaynaklarda ve bir kï¿½sï¿½m medyada, teori ispatlanmï¿½ï¿½
bir gerï¿½ek gibi sunulmakta, pek ï¿½ok insan da bu nedenle evrimi hiï¿½
sorgulamadan kabul etmektedir. Oysa her geï¿½en gï¿½n geliï¿½en, paleoantropoloji,
antropoloji ve mikrobiyoloji gibi bilim dallarï¿½, sï¿½zï¿½nï¿½ ettiï¿½imiz
yaygï¿½n inanï¿½ï¿½ï¿½n aksine, evrim teorisini sï¿½rekli yalanlamaktadï¿½rlar.
Evrimi ispatlamak iï¿½in 150 yï¿½ldï¿½r aralï¿½ksï¿½z sï¿½rdï¿½rï¿½len ï¿½alï¿½ï¿½malar,
teoriyi ï¿½ï¿½rï¿½tmekten baï¿½ka bir sonuca varamamï¿½ï¿½lardï¿½r.
Bu gerï¿½eï¿½e raï¿½men, evrim teorisinin bu denli yaygï¿½n bir biï¿½imde
savunulmasï¿½ ve insanlara empoze edilmesinin tek nedeni ise, teorinin
ideolojik yï¿½nï¿½dï¿½r.