Fransï¿½z iï¿½galinden bu yana zulme uï¿½rayan Mï¿½slï¿½manlarï¿½n ï¿½lkesi: TUNUS

Uzun yï¿½llardï¿½r baskï¿½lara maruz kalan dindar Tunus halkï¿½, bu zulmï¿½n artï¿½k sona ermesini, kendilerini kurtaracak bir liderin ï¿½nderliï¿½inde huzur iï¿½inde yaï¿½ayabilecekleri bir ortamï¿½n saï¿½lanabilmesini ï¿½zlemle beklemektedirler.

Osmanlï¿½ sonrasï¿½ ï¿½ok bï¿½yï¿½k bir kaosun iï¿½ine itilen bï¿½lgelerden biri Kuzey Afrika'dï¿½r. Devlet-i Ali, Kuzey Afrika'nï¿½n bï¿½yï¿½k bï¿½lï¿½mï¿½nï¿½ 16. yï¿½zyï¿½lda egemenliï¿½ine almï¿½ï¿½ ve bï¿½lgede istikrarlï¿½ bir yï¿½netim kurmuï¿½tu.

Tunus'un ï¿½slam ile tanï¿½ï¿½masï¿½, ï¿½slam ordularï¿½nï¿½n 648 yï¿½lï¿½ndaki fethi ile gerï¿½ekleï¿½miï¿½ti. Kï¿½sa sï¿½re iï¿½inde Tunus bir ï¿½slam vatanï¿½ haline geldi ve 7. yï¿½zyï¿½la gelindiï¿½inde tï¿½m Tunus halkï¿½ Mï¿½slï¿½man oldu. Daha sonra pek ï¿½ok kez yï¿½netim deï¿½iï¿½ikliï¿½i yaï¿½ayan Tunus'da gerï¿½ek huzur ve istikrar, 1574 yï¿½lï¿½ndaki Osmanlï¿½ yï¿½netimiyle baï¿½ladï¿½. Tunus, Osmanlï¿½ Devleti'ne baï¿½lï¿½ bir eyalet haline getirildi ve bu statï¿½sï¿½ 1881'e kadar sï¿½rdï¿½. ï¿½lke nï¿½fusunun bï¿½yï¿½k ï¿½oï¿½unluï¿½unu oluï¿½turan Mï¿½slï¿½man Araplarï¿½n yanï¿½ sï¿½ra, Berberiler ve Yahudiler gibi farklï¿½ etnik ve dini topluluklarï¿½n huzur iï¿½inde ve kardeï¿½ï¿½e yaï¿½adï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ Tunus'taki bu barï¿½ï¿½ dï¿½nemi, Fransa'nï¿½n 1881'deki iï¿½galine kadar sï¿½rdï¿½. (Harun Yahya, ï¿½slam'ï¿½n Kï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ ve Beklenen Baharï¿½)

Fransa'nï¿½n Kanlï¿½ Sï¿½mï¿½rge Tarihi

Fransa, Tunus'u valiler kanalï¿½yla yï¿½netti. Aynï¿½ Cezayir'de olduï¿½u gibi burada da ï¿½ok bï¿½yï¿½k bir zulï¿½m politikasï¿½ bï¿½ylece baï¿½lamï¿½ï¿½ oldu. Her tï¿½rlï¿½ muhalefet hareketi ve baï¿½ï¿½msï¿½zlï¿½k yanlï¿½sï¿½ faaliyetler kanlï¿½ bir ï¿½ekilde bastï¿½rï¿½ldï¿½. Onlarï¿½ destekleyenler ï¿½ok ï¿½iddetli baskï¿½ gï¿½rdï¿½ler, bï¿½yï¿½k bir bï¿½lï¿½mï¿½ tutuklandï¿½, iï¿½kencelere maruz kaldï¿½.

Fransa, dinine baï¿½lï¿½, vatansever Tunus halkï¿½nda oluï¿½an tepkiyi durdurmakta, ayaklanmalarï¿½ bastï¿½rmakta zorlanï¿½yordu. Baï¿½ï¿½msï¿½zlï¿½k mï¿½cadelesi amacï¿½yla kurulan Dï¿½stur Partisi'ni kendi tarafï¿½na ï¿½ekti. Baï¿½ï¿½na ise ï¿½ok gï¿½vendiï¿½i bir "adamï¿½"nï¿½ yerleï¿½tirdi: Habib Burgiba.

ï¿½lk baï¿½larda halkï¿½n desteï¿½ini almak iï¿½in dindar bir gï¿½rï¿½ntï¿½ sergileyen Habib Burgiba, ï¿½ocukluï¿½undan itibaren Fransï¿½z eï¿½itimi gï¿½rmï¿½ï¿½tï¿½. Ancak genï¿½lik dï¿½neminde ï¿½zellikle Fransï¿½z iï¿½gal yï¿½netimine karï¿½ï¿½ bir politika izlemiï¿½, bu ï¿½ekilde halkï¿½n desteï¿½ini almayï¿½ planlamï¿½ï¿½tï¿½. Hatta bunun iï¿½in birkaï¿½ kez hapse girmiï¿½, Tunus'tan Kahire'ye kaï¿½arak halk nezdinde kahraman imajï¿½ kazanmaya ï¿½alï¿½ï¿½mï¿½ï¿½tï¿½.

Rï¿½tbeli bir mason olan Habib Burgiba, iktidarï¿½ boyunca Mï¿½slï¿½man Tunus halkï¿½nï¿½n deï¿½il, Fransï¿½z Bï¿½yï¿½k Locasï¿½'nï¿½n menfaatlerini ï¿½n planda tuttu. (saï¿½da)

Tunus'a dï¿½ndï¿½ï¿½ï¿½nde halkï¿½ amaï¿½sï¿½z bir isyana teï¿½vik eden ve bï¿½ylece kanlï¿½ bir Fransï¿½z mï¿½dahalesine zemin hazï¿½rlayan Burgiba, Fransï¿½zlarï¿½n 1956 yï¿½lï¿½nda iï¿½gale son vermelerinden sonra, Fransa'nï¿½n Tunus'taki temsilcisi haline geldi. Sï¿½mï¿½rgeci Fransï¿½z yï¿½netimi ï¿½lkeyi terk ederken, geride kendilerine son derece sadï¿½k yï¿½netim kadrolarï¿½ bï¿½rakmï¿½ï¿½lardï¿½. Bu kadrolar Fransï¿½zlarï¿½n menfaatlerini onlar kadar koruyan, kendi vatandaï¿½larï¿½na onlardan bile daha fazla zulï¿½m yapan Habib Burgiba yï¿½netimindeki kadrolardï¿½.

1959'da ï¿½lkeyi sï¿½resiz olarak yï¿½rï¿½tme yetkisini tek baï¿½ï¿½na eline alan Habib Burgiba, bir zaman sonra kendisini "ï¿½lï¿½mï¿½ne kadar cumhurbaï¿½kanï¿½" ilan etti. 7 Kasï¿½m 1987'de akli dengesi yerinde olmadï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ gerekï¿½esi ile Baï¿½bakan Zeynel Abidin tarafï¿½ndan devlet baï¿½kanlï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ gï¿½revinden alï¿½nana kadar, yani 31 yï¿½l boyunca, Tunus'u tek baï¿½ï¿½na yï¿½netti.

Bu diktatï¿½rï¿½n en ï¿½nemli ï¿½zelliklerinden biri ise, diï¿½er benzerleri gibi yï¿½ksek rï¿½tbeli bir mason oluï¿½uydu. Masonik kimliï¿½i, Habib Burgiba iï¿½in Mï¿½slï¿½man kimliï¿½inden de, Tunuslu kimliï¿½inden de daha ï¿½nemliydi. O, Mï¿½slï¿½man Tunus halkï¿½nï¿½n deï¿½il, Fransï¿½z Bï¿½yï¿½k Locasï¿½'nï¿½n menfaatlerini ï¿½n planda tutuyordu.

Burgiba'nï¿½n ilk icraatï¿½ camileri sï¿½kï¿½ denetim altï¿½na almasï¿½ ve belli vakitlerin dï¿½ï¿½ï¿½nda namaz kï¿½lï¿½nmasï¿½nï¿½ yasaklamasï¿½ydï¿½. Dinini yaï¿½amak isteyen Mï¿½slï¿½manlarï¿½, rejim muhalifi sï¿½fatï¿½yla tutuklattï¿½rdï¿½ ve ï¿½ok aï¿½ï¿½r iï¿½kenceler uyguladï¿½. ï¿½slami eï¿½itim veren kurumlarï¿½n hepsini kapattï¿½rdï¿½. Burgiba yaptï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ baskï¿½larda o kadar ileri gitti ki, "ï¿½lkenin ekonomik kalkï¿½nmasï¿½nï¿½ ve ï¿½alï¿½ï¿½ma temposunu yavaï¿½lattï¿½ï¿½ï¿½" bahanesiyle Ramazan'da oruï¿½ tutmayï¿½ yasakladï¿½. Hac iï¿½in Mekke yolculuï¿½unun pahalï¿½ olduï¿½u gerekï¿½esi ile Mekke yerine Magrip'in kutsal kenti kabul edilen Keyrevan'ï¿½n ziyaret edilmesini istedi.

Tunus yï¿½netimi her dï¿½nemde ï¿½slam ï¿½lkelerine karï¿½ï¿½ uzak bir politika izledi. Cezayir'e karï¿½ï¿½ Fransï¿½z hï¿½kï¿½metinin yanï¿½nda yer alan Tunus'ta, ï¿½ehit olan Filistinliler iï¿½in dua etmek ve maruz kaldï¿½klarï¿½ zulï¿½m hakkï¿½nda konuï¿½mak dahi yasaklandï¿½.

Tunus, Bin Ali yï¿½netimiyle tam bir polis devleti haline getirilmiï¿½tir. Her yï¿½z kiï¿½iye bir polis dï¿½ï¿½mektedir. Bu benzeri gï¿½rï¿½lmedik derecede yï¿½ksek bir orandï¿½r. Halk ï¿½slami duyarlï¿½lï¿½ï¿½ï¿½nï¿½ ifade etmekten ï¿½ekinmekte ve ï¿½ok bï¿½yï¿½k bir baskï¿½ altï¿½nda hayatï¿½nï¿½ sï¿½rdï¿½rmeye ï¿½alï¿½ï¿½maktadï¿½r.

Bugï¿½n hala Tunus ve Cezayir, kendi Mï¿½slï¿½man halkï¿½na sï¿½mï¿½rge dï¿½neminden daha ï¿½iddetli bir baskï¿½ ve zulï¿½m uygulayan iki ï¿½lkedir. Bu iki ï¿½lkedeki Mï¿½slï¿½man halkï¿½n yaï¿½adï¿½klarï¿½nï¿½n, Kuran'da anlatï¿½lan inkarcï¿½lara ait bir zulï¿½m yï¿½ntemi olduï¿½una da dikkat etmek gerekir. ï¿½nkarcï¿½larï¿½n ortak ï¿½zelliï¿½i Allah’ï¿½n anï¿½lmasï¿½ndan rahatsï¿½z olmalarï¿½ ve bunu engellemeye ï¿½alï¿½ï¿½malarï¿½dï¿½r. Allah Bakara Suresi'nde Kendi adï¿½nï¿½n anï¿½lmasï¿½nï¿½ engellemek isteyenlerin dï¿½nyada ve ahiretteki durumlarï¿½nï¿½ ï¿½u ï¿½ekilde bildirmektedir: “Allah'ï¿½n mescidlerinde O'nun isminin anï¿½lmasï¿½nï¿½ engelleyen ve bunlarï¿½n yï¿½kï¿½lmasï¿½na ï¿½aba harcayandan daha zalim kim olabilir? Onlarï¿½n (durumu) iï¿½lerine korkarak girmekten baï¿½kasï¿½ deï¿½ildir. Onlar iï¿½in dï¿½nyada bir aï¿½aï¿½ï¿½lanma, ahirette bï¿½yï¿½k bir azab vardï¿½r.” (Bakara Suresi, 114)

Burgiba Sonrasï¿½ da Hiï¿½bir Deï¿½iï¿½im Olmadï¿½

Fransa, Burgiba imajï¿½nï¿½n Tunus'ta eski gï¿½cï¿½nï¿½ yitirmesinden sonra, Tunus'un Paris bï¿½yï¿½kelï¿½isi Hadi Mebruk'un Dï¿½ï¿½iï¿½leri Bakanlï¿½ï¿½ï¿½'na atanmasï¿½nï¿½ saï¿½layarak, ï¿½lkedeki etkinliï¿½ini artï¿½rmaya ï¿½alï¿½ï¿½tï¿½. Bu arada Baï¿½bakan Zeynel Abidin Bin Ali, Burgiba yï¿½netiminin siyasi baskï¿½larï¿½ yï¿½zï¿½nden yï¿½llarca ezilen Mï¿½slï¿½man halkï¿½ kendi tarafï¿½na ï¿½ekebilmek iï¿½in, onlara birtakï¿½m ï¿½zgï¿½rlï¿½kler verdi. Burgiba'yï¿½ sivil bir darbeyle yï¿½netimden uzaklaï¿½tï¿½ran Bin Ali yï¿½netimi, siyasi tutuklularï¿½n bir kï¿½smï¿½nï¿½ da serbest bï¿½raktï¿½. Sï¿½rgï¿½nde olanlarï¿½n tekrar ï¿½lkeye dï¿½nmelerine izin verdi. Ancak Mï¿½slï¿½man halkï¿½n bï¿½yï¿½k umutlar beslediï¿½i yeni yï¿½netim, Burgiba'dan farklï¿½ ï¿½ï¿½kmadï¿½. Bin Ali, iktidarï¿½nï¿½ saï¿½lama aldï¿½ktan sonra aynï¿½ Burgiba gibi kendi halkï¿½na karï¿½ï¿½ zulï¿½m uygulamaya baï¿½ladï¿½.

Burgiba sonrasï¿½ Tunus'ta deï¿½iï¿½en tek ï¿½ey, Mï¿½slï¿½manlarï¿½n yï¿½llarca ï¿½ektikleri zulï¿½m ve baskï¿½cï¿½ politikalarï¿½n katlanarak artmasï¿½ olmuï¿½tur. Bugï¿½n Tunus halen, Zeynel Abidin sebebiyle bï¿½lgenin en katï¿½ ve antidemokratik yapï¿½ya sahip ï¿½lkesi durumundadï¿½r. Uzun yï¿½llardï¿½r baskï¿½lara maruz kalan dindar Tunus halkï¿½ ise bu zulmï¿½n artï¿½k sona ermesini, kendilerini kurtaracak bir liderin ï¿½nderliï¿½inde huzur iï¿½inde yaï¿½ayabilecekleri bir ortamï¿½n saï¿½lanabilmesini ï¿½zlemle beklemektedirler.

ï¿½zgï¿½rlï¿½k, hemen hemen her
toplum ve ideolojiden kiï¿½inin hemfikir olduï¿½u ve savunduï¿½u bir kavramdï¿½r.
ï¿½nsanlï¿½k tarihindeki ï¿½atï¿½ï¿½malarï¿½n, savaï¿½larï¿½n ï¿½oï¿½undaki amaï¿½, ï¿½zgï¿½rlï¿½ï¿½ï¿½
kazanmak olmuï¿½tur.
Batï¿½ dï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ncesinin ï¿½zgï¿½rlï¿½ï¿½e verdiï¿½i anlamï¿½ ï¿½ï¿½yle ï¿½zetleyebiliriz:
ï¿½zgï¿½rlï¿½k, insana, diï¿½er insanlar (toplum) ya da devlet -veya baï¿½ka
herhangi bir kurum- tarafï¿½ndan hiï¿½bir kï¿½sï¿½tlama ve baskï¿½ yapï¿½lmamasï¿½dï¿½r.Bugï¿½n
Batï¿½ toplumlarï¿½nï¿½n iï¿½inde bulunduklarï¿½ toplumsal yapï¿½, modern Batï¿½
felsefesi tarafï¿½ndan tarifi yapï¿½lan "ï¿½zgï¿½rlï¿½k" kavramï¿½nï¿½n,
insanï¿½n kurtuluï¿½unu saï¿½lamadï¿½ï¿½ï¿½nï¿½ gï¿½stermektedir.

Okullarda, bilimsel kaynaklarda ve bir kï¿½sï¿½m medyada, teori ispatlanmï¿½ï¿½
bir gerï¿½ek gibi sunulmakta, pek ï¿½ok insan da bu nedenle evrimi hiï¿½
sorgulamadan kabul etmektedir. Oysa her geï¿½en gï¿½n geliï¿½en, paleoantropoloji,
antropoloji ve mikrobiyoloji gibi bilim dallarï¿½, sï¿½zï¿½nï¿½ ettiï¿½imiz
yaygï¿½n inanï¿½ï¿½ï¿½n aksine, evrim teorisini sï¿½rekli yalanlamaktadï¿½rlar.
Evrimi ispatlamak iï¿½in 150 yï¿½ldï¿½r aralï¿½ksï¿½z sï¿½rdï¿½rï¿½len ï¿½alï¿½ï¿½malar,
teoriyi ï¿½ï¿½rï¿½tmekten baï¿½ka bir sonuca varamamï¿½ï¿½lardï¿½r.
Bu gerï¿½eï¿½e raï¿½men, evrim teorisinin bu denli yaygï¿½n bir biï¿½imde
savunulmasï¿½ ve insanlara empoze edilmesinin tek nedeni ise, teorinin
ideolojik yï¿½nï¿½dï¿½r.